Rabbi Dr. Chaim Simons

Kiryat Arba


© Copyright. Chaim Simons. 2008


Theodor Herzl married Julianna (Julie) Naschauer on 25 June 1889 in Reichenau (1) which is about two hours’ journey from Vienna.

Although early biographers of Theodor Herzl referred to his marriage, they did not in any way suggest that his wife Julie was non-Jewish. It was only from the 1970s, when biographers started to take a more critical view of the life of Herzl, that several of them raised this issue. If she were not Jewish, since Jewish identity is matrilineal, this would make all Theodor Herzl’s children and his daughter’s son also non-Jewish.

In this paper we will look into the question of the religion of Herzl’s wife. Three biographers of Herzl have questioned Julie’s Jewishness. In addition to their published biographies, at least part of the correspondence two of these biographers entered into when preparing their biographies is extant. One can also obtain photocopies of the marriage registrations and other material concerning the marriages of Julie and various members of her family. We have collated this material and in this paper will make a critical analysis of it in an attempt to come to a conclusion about the religious status of Herzl’s wife.

The Jewish Community of Vienna during the Nineteenth Century

In order to try to come to a conclusion regarding the Jewishness of Herzl’s wife, one requires background information on the Jewish community in Vienna at the period of Herzl’s marriage. What sort of Jewish marriage ceremonies took place in Vienna at that period? Were they Jewish religious ceremonies? Were they civil ones? Were they performed by the Chief Rabbis of Vienna or by local Rabbis and what was the religious outlook of these Rabbis?

To ascertain the answers to these questions, we must first study the religious state of the Jewish community of Vienna, especially in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Did the Community act according to (Orthodox) Jewish law, or had it been influenced by the Reformers in neighbouring Germany? In particular, and this is most relevant to this paper, what was the state of observance of Jewish law in matters of personal status, namely marriage, divorce and conversion to Judaism?

Already at the beginning of the 1820s, some Jews in Vienna wanted to introduce religious reforms into the service at the Stadt Temple, similar to those which had recently been adopted in the Berlin and Hamburg Reform congregations. (2) It was about that period that Isaac Noah Mannheimer, a Reform rabbi, who had held weekly services for Reform Jews in Copenhagen, and had also preached in Berlin and Hamburg, was brought to Vienna to officiate in the Stadt Temple. (3) In a memorandum which he wrote in 1821 for the Viennese Jewish community, he proposed various Reform style changes in the Synagogue service. (4) The opposition of the Austrian government (which at that time had some authority regarding such changes) and of the Viennese Jewish traditionalists, forced Mannheimer and the Viennese reformers to compromise in this matter, (5) and only a few minor changes were implemented. (6) However, in the 1840s, Mannheimer did make one notable liturgical change – the omission of the prayer “Kol Nidrei” sung at the commencement of Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement). (7) On the whole however, in Vienna Mannheimer became more traditional and would not attend Reform rabbinical conferences. (8)

In the 1850s, the Jewish community hired Adolf Jellinek, a Reform rabbi, to be the preacher in the newly opened Leopoldstadt Temple. (9) Jellinek was even more Reform than Mannheimer. (10) As soon as Jellinek came he wanted to make changes in the synagogue liturgy, but those who administered the Temple would not allow it. (11) On the death of Mannheimer in 1865, Jellinek moved to the Stadt Temple and Rabbi Moritz Gudemann, who was far more traditional than Jellinek, replaced Jellinek at the Leopoldstadt Temple. (12) Just prior to this, Gudemann had been rejected as the Rabbi of Berlin on the grounds that he was too religious. (13) Mannheimer, Jellinek and Gudemann were regarded as the Chief Rabbis of Vienna.

However the major controversy between the orthodox and the reform occurred at the beginning of the 1870s. It was in February 1870 that the sub-committee of the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde (Jewish Religious Community) of Vienna voted to accept in principle most of the decisions of the Leipzig Synod which would have made substantive liturgical changes in the prayers of the two Temples in Vienna. The major reforms were to cut out passages dealing with the sacrifices which had been offered up in the Temple in Jerusalem, and those dealing with the return to Zion. (14) This met with organised opposition by several different groups in Vienna, namely the orthodox members of the community, the wealthy Jews, and Rabbi Gudemann (15) (who was even prepared to resign over this matter. (16)) As might be expected, the proponents of the Reform expressed their indignation at these protests. (17) Finally a compromise was reached in which these prayers under dispute would not be deleted from the service but the congregants who wanted these prayers to remain in the service, would recite them silently. (18)

However the subject most relevant to this paper was the attitude of the Rabbis of Vienna to the questions of personal status – namely marriage, divorce and conversion to Judaism. The most Reform rabbi in Vienna was Jellinek, who in his personal life was not particular in the observance of the Jewish dietary laws and other Jewish ritual observances. (19) He dispensed with the Halitzah ceremony (the alternative of levirate marriage of a widow whose husband had died without offspring). He would omit the reading of the Ketubah (marriage contract) at a marriage ceremony He did not require potential converts to Judaism to undergo ritual immersion in a Mikva (ritual bath). (20) It should be mentioned that without such immersion, the conversion is totally invalid. (21)

In addition, the marriage service in the Vienna Temples deviated from the traditional service and it would seem that a glass was not broken. (22) Gudemann would sometimes conduct weddings in the Schiffschul (which was one of the orthodox synagogues in Vienna). There he would conduct a traditional ceremony and on this he was admonished by the Board of the Gemeinde for not conducting the wedding ceremony in the same way as was prescribed for the two Temples. (23)

It might be of significance to mention here that one of the changes the reformers had wanted to make in the order of service was to replace of Reading of the Torah on the afternoon of Yom Kippur, which was the section dealing with forbidden marriages, with a section on a completely different subject. However, at the last minute this change was not implemented. (24)

Marriage Registration

In all countries there is a civil registration of marriages. If one desires it, one can also have a religious ceremony. Whether or not there is a link between the two depends on the country. For example, in England, the Synagogue where the marriage takes place has its own Secretary of Marriages, who immediately after the religious ceremony, registers the marriage in the civil registration book. (25) However, in certain other countries, for example, France (26) or Switzerland, (27) one must first have a civil marriage ceremony before the civil authorities and only afterwards can one have a religious ceremony.

What was the procedure in Austria at the time of Herzl’s marriage? A Jewish religious marriage was also a State marriage. It had to be performed by a Rabbi or a religious teacher of the Jewish community in the presence of two witnesses and the Community was required by State law to keep a marriage register. In 1868 this law was modified so that if the Rabbi refused for any reason to conduct the marriage, the couple could be married before the civil authorities. The civil authorities would then send an extract of the marriage certificate to the religious authority who had refused to conduct the marriage and they would then have to enter it up in their marriage register. (28) Thus if one were to find a marriage registered in such a register kept by the Jewish community of Vienna, it would not prove that there had been a Jewish religious marriage ceremony.

A Marriage in Vienna Performed not in Accordance with Jewish Law

Needless to say, if there is no religious impediment to a marriage, any Rabbi will conduct the religious marriage ceremony. It is only when there is a religious impediment that an orthodox Rabbi will refuse to conduct such a religious ceremony.

The question to be asked is whether the Chief Rabbis of Vienna during the second half of the nineteenth century would conduct a marriage between a couple where one of the parties was not Jewish according to the Halachah (Jewish Law)? An example is when one of the parties had had a “Reform Conversion”?

This question can be answered by looking at the marriage of the Viennese Jewish neurologist Dr. Moritz Benedikt to Aloisia Grimm. (29)

Benedikt’s fiancée Aloisia (Lea) Grimm had been “converted” by the Reform rabbi, Abraham Geiger. She had not immersed in the Mikva and almost certainly had not taken upon herself all the precepts of Judaism. Benedikt had lived in Eisenstadt and the orthodox Rabbi Azriel Hildesheimer refused to conduct the marriage. Benedikt therefore went to Vienna where Jellinek agreed to conduct the ceremony, which he did in his Temple, the Stadt Temple, on 20 January 1868. However, in contrast, Rabbi Gudemann, who had recently arrived in Vienna, not only sided in this matter with Rabbi Hildesheimer but was very critical of the reform movement. (30)

Confirmation that this marriage took place in a Vienna Temple and of the date of the ceremony may be found in the Jewish Community marriage register. (31) It is also recorded in the ledger giving the various taxes paid to the Jewish community of Vienna for a marriage. (32)

In his autobiography, Benedikt hints at the religious problems regarding his marriage. “The history of my marriage is a part of the political-religious history of Austria at that time.” (33)

Benedikt’s wife Aloisia died on 8 March 1905 and was buried on the following day in the Benedikt family crypt in the Jewish section of the Zentral cemetery in Vienna. (34)

The conclusion from this is that Jellinek was prepared to conduct marriages where one party had had a “Reform conversion”, whereas Gudemann refused, and that people who were not Jewish were buried in the Jewish cemetery in Vienna. (35)

The family tree of Herzl’s wife Julie Naschauer

In Jewish law, the religion of a person is determined by their matrilineal line and we will thus concentrate on this branch of Julie Naschauer’s family. (36)

Julie’s great grandfather was David Kollinsky (1760 - 17 January 1815) and he is buried in Vienna’s Wahringer cemetery (37). He married Julianna Kohn (1765 - 21 November 1830) and she is buried in the same cemetery. (38) They had a son called Moritz (1 March 1801[or 1811] - 9 January 1857) who was born in Ofen/Buda and was originally buried in this cemetery but on a later date, 8 January 1897 (which was very soon after the death of his wife), was transferred to Vienna’s Zentral cemetery. (39) His wife was Franziska Goldstein (20 December 1820 - 9 November 1896) who was also born in Ofen and she is buried at the Zentral cemetery. (40)

It is this Franziska that some of the later biographers of Herzl suggest was not Jewish, (41) although they give no evidence to substantiate this claim. If this assertion is correct then all her descendants via the female line will likewise be non-Jewish and this will thus include Theodor Herzl’s wife and all her descendants.

The maiden name of Franziska was Goldstein which is usually a Jewish surname but this in no way proves she was Jewish, since Goldstein would have been the surname of her father and not of her mother. (42)

Franziska had (amongst other offspring) two daughters. One was called Julie (5 December 1841 - 13 December 1866), who was born in Ofen, died of tuberculosis of the lung (43) and was buried in the Wahringer cemetery but later transferred to the Zentral cemetery, (44)She married Wilhelm Naschauer (27 February 1830 – 3 October 1901) on 12 February 1860 in Vienna and is buried in the Zentral cemetery. (45) Wilhelm’s father was Moritz Naschauer (1795 – 1856) from Nagykanizka and he was married to Amalie Strasser (1807 – 1895).

Julie and Wilhelm had two children, Franz (1863 – [funeral] 9 October 1914) and Charlotte (1865 – [funeral] 26 August 1884), both of whom apparently did not get married and are buried in the Zentral cemetery. (46)

Franziska’s other daughter was Johanna (Jenni) (1843 – [funeral] 5 November 1900). She married Jakob Naschauer (1837 – [funeral] 1 January 1894) (who was the brother of Wilhelm) on 1 February 1863 and the couple are buried in the Zentral cemetery. (47)

One of Herzl’s biographers suggested that Moritz Kollinsky had urged his daughters to marry the two sons of Moritz Naschauer, so that their wealth might offset any future religious problems that might arise as a result of the two girls’ questionable Jewish status. (48) However this was only put forward as a theory without supporting evidence.

The marriage ceremonies between Julie Kollinsky and Wilhelm Naschauer (49) and between Johanna Kollinsky and Jakob Naschauer (50) were performed in the Leopoldstadt Temple. Jellinek was then the rabbi of that Temple. It is not clear from the layout of these two marriage registrations whether Jellinek signed as also performing the ceremony or just as the registrar. If we take the first of these alternatives, it might on the face of it indicate that Julie and Johanna were Jewish. However this is not necessarily so, since as we have seen above, Jellinek would perform marriages in his Temple even if the parties concerned were not Halachically Jewish (Jewish according to Jewish Law). It is possible, although there is no evidence for it, that these girls or their mother had had a “Reform conversion”. (51)

Johanna and Jakob Naschauer had five children, three of them who later got married. One of them was Julie (Julianna) (1 February 1868 – 10 November 1907) who married Theodor Herzl in 1889. Another was Helene (1867 - 11 March 1937) who married Isidor Eisner (30 July 1859 – [funeral] 11 May 1924) in 1890. They are both buried in the Zentral cemetery. (52) The third married sibling, the eldest of the family, was Therese (1863 – [funeral] 4 February 1938) who married Leo Czopp (1858 – 20 October 1932) on 6 March 1887. Both are buried in the Zentral cemetery. (53) The two unmarried ones were Paul (1866 – [funeral] 22 May 1900) and Ella (1875 – [funeral] 17 January 1940) and both are buried in the Zentral cemetery. (54)

Ella loved her cousin Moritz Reichenfeld (1862 – 1940) but they never got married. However he was buried in the same grave as Ella. (55) Herzl’s biographer Avner Falk asked whether they lived as man and wife. (56) If Ella was not Jewish and she could not thus have a Jewish marriage ceremony, it is possible that they decided to just live together without any form of formal civil ceremony.

The Naschauers lived in the Leopoldstadt district of Vienna and their Temple was the Tempelgasse (commonly known as the Leopoldstadt Temple). (57) This Temple was the largest place of Jewish worship in Austria, with a capacity of 2,200 seats and 1,500 standing places. (58)

If Franziska was non-Jewish, then her descendants Julie Kollinsky, Johanna, Franz, Charlotte, Julie Naschauer, Helene, Therese, Paul, Ella and all Theodor Herzl’s descendants were non-Jewish. As we have already stated, burial in the Jewish part of the Zentral cemetery in Vienna does not prove a person’s Halachic Jewish status.

Stewart writes that his researcher investigating the inscriptions on the tombstones of Franziska and Johanna (who are buried with their husbands in the Zentral cemetery) found no religious inscriptions on them. (59) However from photographs of various Jewish tombstones in this cemetery, appearing in books (60) and on the internet, (61) we can see that there are some Jewish graves in this cemetery with no religious inscriptions. It is therefore not clear what Stewart is saying. One would require photographs of the tombstones of Franziska and Johanna and compare the inscriptions on them with those on their respective husband’s tombstones in order to reach any conclusion as to the possible significance of this omission.

Herzl’s marriage registration

As required by the then Austrian law, Herzl’s marriage was registered in the marriage register of the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde of Vienna, whether or not a Jewish religious ceremony had actually taken place. The number of the entry is 643/II/1889. This registration includes information on the date of the wedding, the names of the groom and the bride, dates of their birth, their addresses, and names of their parents. It also states that the marriage took place in Reichenau and that the Royal Hungarian Ministry of Religions had granted license number Z.23371 on 1 June 1889 for this marriage. On the penultimate column of the certificate, there are the signatures of Theodor Herzl and Julie Naschauer and two witnesses. The latter are Theodor Herzl’s father and Julie’s father. The next space is for the Rabbi who conducted the marriage ceremony. However in this particular entry it was left blank - in other words it would seem no Rabbi conducted the ceremony. In the last column, there is the signature of the registrar, who by law was the religious functionary. On this certificate it was Jellinek. (62)

In a photocopy of this marriage entry in our possession, are also the entry immediately above and the two entries below the Herzl entry. A comparison shows that in the entries above and below, the name of the Rabbi conducting the ceremony is clearly stated in the space for the person conducting the ceremony. (63) In the marriage registration of Julie’s sister Helene, which took place a year later and also not in the Vienna Temple but in Reichenau, the space for the conducting Rabbi was also left blank! (64)

The names of the witnesses who signed Theodor Herzl’s marriage registration are Jacob Herzl who was Theodor Herzl’s father and Jacob Naschauer who was Julie Naschauer’s father. (65) To be valid under Jewish law, a marriage must be witnessed by two adult Jewish males. Relatives cannot be witnesses to the religious ceremony, namely the groom making a certain declaration and then placing the ring on the bride’s finger. Were they to be relatives, the marriage according to Jewish law would be invalid. (66) It is of course possible that if there had been a religious ceremony for Herzl’s marriage, there were witnesses who were not relatives and afterwards both fathers signed as witnesses on this document which is just a civil one.

On studying the names of the witnesses who signed on the entry below Herzl’s, we see that neither witness was a relative. In the entry above, one of the witnesses was the father of one of the parties getting married, but the second was no relative. However the Rabbi who conducted the ceremony was also a witness to the religious ceremony and together with the non-relative made up two valid witnesses in Jewish law. (67) Possibly in this latter case, since the Rabbi was signing the civil document as the registrar, he could not also sign as a witness and therefore one of the fathers signed in his stead.

Over four years later, Herzl required his marriage certificate, and this was prepared by Rabbi Gudemann, about a month before Jellinek died. Gudemann noted on the certificate that Jellinek had performed the ceremony. (68) This could possibly suggest that when the Rabbi conducting the religious marriage ceremony was also the registrar, he (at least sometimes) sufficed by just signing the registration leaving the space for the conducting Rabbi blank. (69)

Biographers Question the Jewishness of Herzl’s wife

Possibly the first suggestion that Julie was not Jewish was made not by a biographer but in a passing statement in a newspaper article in the London “Jewish Chronicle” in January 1971 by the barrister, author and chess master Gerald Abrahams. (70)

The first biographer of Herzl to raise the point of the Jewishness of Herzl’s wife was Desmond Stewart. His biography was published in 1974 and he gave, what were in his opinion, various proofs to support the thesis that Herzl’s wife was non-Jewish. (71)

The next biographer to raise this point was Ernst Pawel in 1989. (72) This was followed by Avner Falk in 1993, who wrote about Julie’s possible non-Jewishness in detail, quoting official documents to support his thesis. (73)

In addition to their actual biographies, there is correspondence with Stewart and with Falk, which they utilized when writing their biographies, and much of this is still extant. Stewart corresponded extensively with Mark Braham, the author of the book “Jews don’t Hate” which speaks about Herzl. This correspondence is to be found in the Judaica Archive of the University of Sydney Library, under the Mark Braham collection, as is also some correspondence with Gerald Abrahams, and with Alex Bein who was one of Herzl’s biographers. It is understood that the papers which were in the possession of Desmond Stewart are not longer extant. Stewart lived in Cyprus and in the course of the Greek-Turkish conflict in Cyprus, Stewart’s house with all this correspondence in it was set on fire. (74) Falk’s correspondence is with a whole variety of people, many of them from Austria and is kept in his apartment in Jerusalem.

In the course of this paper, the various statements and arguments brought by Gerald Abrahams and these three biographers in their correspondence and biographies will be analysed and discussed under various categorised headings.

The Memoirs of Rabbi Dr. Moritz Gudemann

An argument brought by all the above biographers (75) to possibly support their thesis that Herzl’s wife may not have been Jewish, is a statement made in the memoirs of a Chief Rabbi of Vienna, Rabbi Dr. Moritz Gudemann.

Towards the end of his life Rabbi Gudemann wrote his memoirs “Aus meinem Leben.” (76) These memoirs which were unpublished were referred to by Josef Fraenkel in 1967 who wrote, “[These memoirs] were put at my disposal for a few weeks. Whether these ‘Memoirs’ and other documents in the family archives were saved from destruction by the Nazis is unknown to me.” (77) In the course of these memoirs, Rabbi Gudemann refers to Herzl’s marriage, and on this Fraenkel writes, “Before Herzl’s wedding, his father, Jakob Herzl, and his father-in-law, Jakob Naschauer, called upon Gudemann to ask him to marry the young couple. Gudemann agreed to do so, but was obliged to leave Vienna just at that time, for family reasons.” (78) One should note the expression “family reasons” used by Fraenkel – it can have many meanings!

In his correspondence with Braham, Desmond Stewart conjectured, “Gudemann never said he would [conduct the wedding]: This is Fraenkel?” (79) (underlining in original) However, when he came to write his biography, Stewart seems to accept the accuracy of Fraenkel’s quoting Gudemann, since he writes, “Gudemann seems to have at first agreed, and then pleaded family business outside Vienna as an excuse not to officiate.” Stewart had doubts about the genuineness of Gudemann’s reasons since he then continued, “His reasons for not officiating at the marriage may have been what they have been alleged; or they may have involved grave doubts as to whether Julie Naschauer the daughter of Johanna and the grand-daughter of Franziska Kollinsky was Jewish.” (80)

Similar comments were made by Pawel who wrote that “he [Gudemann] might in fact have been otherwise engaged; he may also have had his doubts about Julie’s qualifications for a Jewish wedding ceremony and wished to back out without offending two prominent members of the community.” (81) Falk only devotes a few words to this incident without any commentary – “Gudemann had been asked to officiate, but pleaded ‘family business’.” (82)

In fact the memoirs of Rabbi Gudemann were fortunately not destroyed. They are to be found today in the Leo Baeck Institute Archives in New York. In addition to the handwritten original, there is now also a typewritten copy. There is today a microfilm of both of them in the Jewish National Library in Jerusalem. One can thus see from the primary source what Rabbi Gudemann wrote about this incident:
“I was to perform his [Theodor Herzl’s] wedding ceremony. His father [Jakob Herzl] and his father-in-law [Jakob] Naschauer had come to me for this reason, while I still lived in Leopoldstadt. But the sudden death of my brother-in-law in Magdeburg compelled me to travel there in order to attend the funeral rites, and thus I was incapable of performing Dr. Herzl’s wedding ceremony as requested.” (83)

The major difference between this primary text and Fraenkel’s secondary version is the reason for Gudemann’s inability to conduct the wedding ceremony. The expression used by Fraenkel “family reasons” could be some trivial reason presented as an excuse to avoid an unwelcome task. However, the funeral rites of one’s brother-in-law is a far more legitimate reason, making it very plausible. Thus, on the face of it, were it not for this unexpected death, Rabbi Gudemann would have conducted the wedding.

Gudemann’s brother-in-law could be his wife’s brother, his sister’s husband or his wife’s sister’s husband. In the first of these cases, his wife would be a mourner who would have to sit Shiva (the first week of mourning) (84) and it would thus be strongly desirable to get to Magdeburg without delay.

The rail distance from Vienna to Magdeburg (via Prague, Dresden, Leipzig and Halle) is 866 kilometres. The train would have stopped at a lot of towns in addition to at least three layovers of more than an hour each. In 1889, the actual travel time alone would have taken nearly a day and a half, let alone the time it would take Gudemann to get from his house to the rail station at Vienna, wait for a suitable train, and get from the rail station in Magdeburg to the house of his late brother-in-law. In those days, there was very likely only one train a day from Vienna or possibly only a few each week. Thus the total time to notify Gudemann by telegram or telephone, plus the travel time and waiting time could be two days or even more. (85) Jewish funerals are usually conducted as quickly as possible after the death. (86) Did they hold up the funeral until he arrived or did he only arrive whilst the family were sitting Shiva?

Were the deceased his sister’s husband or his wife’s sister’s husband, and if he would in any case have missed the funeral, would delaying his travel until after Herzl’s wedding have been a “catastrophe”? He would still arrive there during the Shiva. Could he have therefore used this death as a good excuse? Had this death not occurred, would he have found some other excuse? Of course all this is just conjecture. Answers to the above questions regarding the precise relationship of the deceased and the date of the funeral would of course assist in determining the strength of the reason for his not conducting the wedding ceremony.

A further point for consideration arises from what we wrote above. In 1868, soon after he took up office in Vienna, Rabbi Gudemann had refused to conduct a wedding ceremony of Moritz Benedikt with a Reform “convert”. Thus his apparent willingness to conduct the wedding ceremony for Julie, would strongly indicate that she was Jewish.

However there could be a number of other possibilities:

Undiplomatic to give immediate refusal: The biographer Pawel (who only had Fraenkel’s version of Gudemann’s statement) wrote that Gudemann “was forever trying to trim a zealously Orthodox conscience to the expectations of a less than Orthodox congregation; the effort required nimble footwork, devious compromises, and frequent readjustments of his public stance” (87) – namely to immediately agree to conduct the wedding ceremony but later give the excuse of “family reasons.”

Unaware that there was a problem with Julie’s religion: Gudemann’s initial agreement was based on the fact that Julie was regarded as Jewish in Vienna, even if he had some doubt in his own mind about this. The Naschauers and Herzls were two of Vienna’s well-known families who may have envisaged a fashionable marriage in a Vienna Temple. (88) Why then look for problems by investigating too thoroughly the antecedents of Julie Naschauer?

Only discovered Julie was non-Jewish after initial agreement to conduct wedding: Braham suggested in a letter to Stewart regarding Gudemann’s initial agreement, “Perhaps he [Gudemann] accepted verbally and then discovered that Julie was not Jewish; he would then have had to explain that they could not marry [in a religious ceremony] and they would have settled for a quiet civil ceremony, if this was possible.” (89)(emphasis added) If this were the case, this death of the brother-in-law saved Gudemann some unpleasantness!

Support for the suggestions of Pawel and Braham could come from the fact that there is no report of Gudemann finding a substitute Rabbi to conduct the ceremony, as would be expected if there were no religious impediment to Herzl marrying Julie. (90)

Marriage of Helene Naschauer

A year later in June 1890, Helene Naschauer, an older sister of Julie’s got married. (91) If Julie was not Jewish, so likewise was Helene. Similarly, as with Julie’s wedding, this did not take place in the Temple in Vienna, but in Reichenau.

Again one can ask, what sort of ceremony was it – religious or civil, and if the former, which Rabbi conducted it? The first biographer to discuss this was Falk who in 1990 ordered from the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde of Vienna a copy of the marriage registration. He received a typewritten copy which stated that the marriage was performed by a Dr. Guren. (92) On this “Dr. Guren”, Falk writes “No one in Vienna’s Jewish Community knows who he was.” (93) However, “Dr. Guren” is only what a clerk in the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde making a copy in 1990, read from a signature on the original marriage registration.

The original of this marriage registration is in the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde from where one can order a photocopy. From the photocopy one can clearly see that the signature is that of Gudemann. If one studies his signature on this document, one can see that the letter “d” in his signature looks very much like a letter “r” and the clerk reading it, misread “Gudemann” as “Guren.”. (Likewise the clerk misread the signature of one of the witnesses on this marriage certificate. Instead of “Jacob Naschauer”, he wrote “Jacob Manhard”! (94))

As in the case of Herzl’s marriage, the space for the person conducting the marriage was left blank and Gudemann’s signature is just for certifying the document. (95)

Possibly as we suggested above, this signature could suffice even if he had conducted a religious ceremony. However if it was obligatory to also write the name of the Rabbi conducting the ceremony and there was no religious impediment for a Jewish wedding ceremony for Helene, one could well have expected Gudemann, to “make amends” for not being able to conduct Julie’s wedding the previous year, by his offering to conduct Helene’s religious marriage ceremony. But there is no record of his offering, nor is there any record of his being asked by the families to do so.

Marriage of Therese Naschauer

A few years earlier on 6 March 1887, Julie Naschauer’s eldest sister, Therese, married Leo Czopp. (96) However in this case, the marriage took place in a Temple, namely the Gemeindetempel (the Community Temple) in Vienna, which in those days was the Tempelgasse (Leopoldstadt Temple). (97)

A study of the entry in the marriage register raises a number of questions. Although Gudemann was then the rabbi of this Temple, the marriage register is signed by Jellinek. As with Julie’s and Helene’s marriage registrations, the space for the rabbi conducting the ceremony was left blank. As with Julie’s marriage, the witnesses were (possibly) the two fathers, namely Jacob Naschauer (Therese’s father) and B. Czopp (possibly Leo’s father (98)).

What sort of marriage ceremony was conducted in this Temple for Leo Czopp and Therese Naschauer? Was it a religious ceremony or did this Temple happen to be the venue for a civil ceremony? As we have already seen, even if Jellinek had conducted a religious ceremony, it would not prove that Therese was Halachically Jewish.

A further point for consideration in connection with Julie’s, Helene’s and Therese’s weddings, arises from the entries in the ledger detailing the tax which had to be paid to the community. For all three of these marriages a whole collection of taxes were paid and amongst them was included a “Kesuba-Taxe”. (99) Does this mean that there was a “Kesuba” (a Jewish religious prenuptial agreement) or was it a standard tax paid by everybody, irrespective of whether or not there was an actual traditional kesuba document? No kesuba from Theodor Herzl’s marriage is to be found amongst the “Herzl papers” in the Central Zionist Archives. (100)


It was the practice in Vienna (as in many other places) for a marriage ceremony to take place in a Synagogue or Temple. One would have expected that a prominent and very rich family such as the Naschauers who lived in a sumptuous mansion in Vienna’s Leopoldstadt district (101) would have had their children’s marriage ceremonies at the Leopoldstadt Temple conducted by the Chief Rabbi of Vienna.

However both the marriages of Theodor Herzl to Julie Naschauer and just a year later that of Isidor Eisner to Helene Naschauer did not take place in the Leopoldstadt Temple but in the village of Reichenau–on-the-Rax which is situated in Lower Austria, 45 miles southwest of Vienna and was then about two hours train ride from Vienna. Furthermore, it was a Catholic mountain village (102) with almost certainly no Jewish community or Synagogue.

This venue of Reichenau for these marriage ceremonies has been a point of great interest by several of Herzl’s biographers. They also comment that no wedding photographs, descriptions or references to the wedding seem to have survived. (103) Although in those days very few wedding photographs were taken, here it seems that there were none at all, giving the impression that these two weddings were conducted “on the quiet”!

In discussing this unusual venue for the wedding, Braham quite rightly pointed out in a letter written to Stewart in February 1972 that “a Jewish marriage can take place anywhere: you can put up a canopy [Chuppa] in a garden and provided you have any Jew, and two reliable witnesses the marriage can take place.” He went on to point out that Jewish law did not require a Rabbi, but Austrian civil law would have probably required this and thus “they might have got a rabbi from Vienna to come to Reichenau to conduct the ceremony in a private house or hotel.” (104)

Just three days later, Braham wrote a further letter to Stewart in which he attempted to give a different reason for the lack of a Rabbi to conduct the service. He wrote, “You can simply say that the wedding is shrouded in mystery and deduce from this that they were married at Reichenau where there were almost certainly no facilities for holding a function or reception in accordance with Jewish dietary laws; that, under such circumstances, no rabbi could possibly have attended and if they were given a formal Jewish marriage at all (in addition to the civil) which is doubtful, it would probably have been conducted by some Jewish friend who had sufficient knowledge to perform it – or even one of the Herzl family.” (105) If all Braham was worried about was the non-Kosher food, it is no real problem. A Rabbi can conduct the religious ceremony and then leave – he does not have to stay for the meal!

Until the early 1970s, biographers of Herzl, such as Alex Bein, (106) Josef Fraenkel (107) and Israel Cohen (108) just briefly mentioned that Herzl had married in Reichenau, but without making any comment whatsoever as to why at Reichenau and not Vienna.

It was only from the early 1970s that the biographers started to investigate the details of Herzl’s marriage. It was in about 1972 that Stewart himself went to Vienna to research his biography on Herzl. At the time Stewart wrote, “I had the maximum of cooperation from the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde. But they confessed themselves, in the person of Mr. David Alpern, of the Matrikelamt, totally puzzled over Herzl’s marriage. They had no record of the marriage in their files; nor did the Rathaus [Town-hall] in Vienna.” (109) However some months (?) later, Stewart wrote to Braham, “NOW A MAJOR BREAKTHROUGH (capitals in original): Today I had a letter of apology from the man at the Rathaus: he has found the marriage certificate [of Herzl] among some Jewish papers. From this it seems that the wedding did take place at Reichenau, was registered with the Jewish authorities…” (110)

It is therefore difficult to understand what Ing. Johann Robert Pap, a local historian of Reichenau wrote to Falk nearly fifteen years later in 1986. In his letter he wrote, “At the time of Dr. Herzl’s wedding, there was no civil registry office in Reichenau, only a Catholic rectory where only the marriages of Catholics were registered. For the followers of different religions, these registrations were always carried out at the seat of the religious community of their town of residence. I therefore got a marriage certificate from the Jewish community in Vienna. According to this, Dr. Herzl married Julianna [Julie] Naschauer on June 25, 1889 in the temple in Vienna. In Reichenau itself there are no records whatsoever that Dr. Herzl was married in Reichenau.” (111) This is a very strange statement since the marriage certificate clearly states that the marriage took place in Reichenau! However perhaps we can explain it by virtue of the fact that by Austrian law such a marriage had to be registered with the Jewish community, even if only a civil ceremony had taken place and this is why it appears in the Jewish Community and Temple records in Vienna. (One might mention that it is fortunate that it was registered in Vienna since the records of Reichenau were destroyed during the Second World War. (112))

Yet in 1990, Pap again questioned whether the actual marriage had taken place in Reichenau. In a letter to the biographer Falk, Peter Michael Braunwarth of the Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften [Austrian Academy of Sciences] of Vienna, stated that Pap had written to him that he had “tried to find out further details about the wedding of Herzl and of Helene Naschauer” but could not find much more. He then continued that “Pap thinks it to be possible that the real ceremony took place in Vienna, and the wedding party went afterwards to Reichenau - ?” (113) (- ? in original). But again, the marriage registration discounts this!

On this choice of Reichenau for both weddings, Pawel comments that it “lend[s] added credibility to these rumours [of Julie and Helene being non-Jewish].” (114) (As we shall see later, there were many rumours from different sources about Julie’s being non-Jewish.) Falk is even more specific and considers that “Jellinek could not perform the wedding ceremony [for Herzl] in Vienna, where everyone knew about Julie’s non-Jewish lineage. In Reichenau there were no Jews.” (115) However, Jellinek had in the past – the case of Moritz Benedikt – conducted a marriage in the Temple in Vienna with a Reform “convert”, but maybe Julie had not even been “converted” by the Reform.

There is of course the possibility that the choice of Reichenau instead of a Temple in Vienna, had nothing to do with the religious status of Julie and Helene. Maybe these young couples preferred to have their marriages in a quiet country setting rather than in bustling urban surroundings. (116)

The Gerald Abrahams article in the “Jewish Chronicle”

It would seem that the first implied mention that Herzl’s wife was non-Jewish was made by Gerald Abrahams (1907 – 1980) in an article published in the London “Jewish Chronicle” in January 1971 entitled “Members of the Tribe”. In it, it states “And the descendants of Theodor Herzl, father of Zionism, are no longer Jews.” (117)

In this article, Gerald Abrahams did not give a source for this information. He does have a small archive at the Liverpool Record Office which is situated in the Liverpool Central Library in England (118) - (he lived in Liverpool). Amongst the files (119) in this archive “is a large and bulky ledger with all kinds of cuttings and memorabilia.” Included is a news clipping of this article referring to Herzl, but there are no notes relating to this article. (120)

A copy of this article was sent to Stewart by Braham and as a result Stewart wrote to Abrahams asking him for further information. (121) Abrahams replied and on this reply Stewart wrote to Braham, “I have also had a very friendly letter from Gerald Abrahams, but also extraordinary. He says he does not know what he meant when he wrote what he wrote! Then goes on to say that all the family were Jewish.” Stewart went on to say that Abrahams who described Julie’s father as “a devout Jew” (who presumably would then not have married a non-Jew) had in fact mixed him up with “her genuinely religious grandfather.” (122)

In a further letter written by Stewart to Braham a few months later, he comments, “I cannot believe Gerald Abrahams could have said this in the JC [Jewish Chronicle] without evidence: he, incidentally agrees with my conclusion that Joanna Kollinsky was not strictly Jewish.” Stewart states that he has this agreement of Abrahams’ in a letter from him. (123)

What emerges from this correspondence is that it is not clear what Abrahams meant and whether or not he had evidence to support the statement he made!

Hearsay statements on Julie’s non-Jewish status

Although normally one should not give too much credence to hearsay statements or to plain gossip, since Julie’s alleged non-Jewish status has been intimated by a number of unconnected sources, these sources will be brought here.

In July 1971, Braham wrote a letter to Stewart pointing out that he was in touch with Miss May Maccoby, who was a grand-daughter of the Kamnitzer Maggid (Chaim Zundel Maccoby). She told Braham “that none of Herzl’s descendents are Jews.” (124) In other words Herzl’s wife was non-Jewish.

Six months later Stewart replied to a question posed by Alex Bein, an earlier biographer of Herzl, to Stewart “as to who told me that she [Julie Naschauer] was a Christian I am afraid my answer is the wildest and least documented hearsay. My friend and fellow-writer John Haylock, was returning by ship to Cyprus last autumn and made friends on board with someone who described himself as Professor of Economics at the Hebrew University and resident in Haifa. (Not enough to identify him, I fear - but he was of German origin.) (bracketed statement in original) He told my friend that Julie Naschauer had been a Christian.” Stewart then added but without any explanation, “I think he meant that she was of Jewish origin … but had been baptised.” (125) In fact when Stewart came to write his biography, he did not even suggest that she was of Jewish origin.

In a further letter written by Braham to Stewart in May 1973, he wrote, “In conversation with Pam [Braham’s wife] yesterday, the woman [a friend of Braham’s family, whose mother had been born in Vienna] said: ‘My father would have nothing to do with a man (Herzl) (the word Herzl in original) who had married out.’ (underlining in original) Pam was astonished and asked her to repeat the remark, which she did. I can only conclude from this that among the generation of Herzl’s contemporaries it was widely known that he had married out of the faith – among the Orthodox that is. The only possible explanation seems to be the one I offered: that the Kollinskis [Julie’s maternal ancestors] were of Reform convert stock on the female side of the family, hence the confusion and mystery about it all. Just before I left England I put my theory to Emile Marmorstein and another Jewish scholar and they both agreed in its plausibility.” (126)


Apart from a number of hearsay statements from a number of unconnected sources that Herzl’s wife was non-Jewish, there are a number of items of information concerning the marriage of Theodor Herzl and Julie Naschauer which could indicate that a Jewish religious marriage ceremony did not take place and the reason could be that Julie was not Jewish. This is reinforced by the fact that similar things occurred in the marriage ceremonies of Julie’s sisters. However all this must be treated with caution since one could also offer alternative explanations to explain these facts.

One is therefore forced to conclude that on the basis of the material brought in this paper, there is no concrete evidence to say whether Herzl’s wife Julie was or was not Jewish.

There were a number of avenues which it was not possible to explore and further research including a study of vital records (births, marriage and deaths) in both Vienna and Hungary and a study of the wording on the tombstones of the various members of the Naschauer and Kollinsky families could well throw more light on this question. (127)


(1) Trauungs-Buch fur die Israelitische Cultusgemeinde in Wien [Marriage Register of Jewish Community, Vienna], entry 643/II/1889, Tivadar/Theodor Herzl and Julianna (Julie) Naschauer, 25 June 1889, (Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Wien) – henceforth: Herzl’s marriage registration.
(2) Marsha L. Rosenblit, “The Struggle Over Religious Reform in Nineteenth-Century Vienna”, AJS Review, The Journal of the Association for Jewish Studies, vol.xiv, no.2, Fall 1989, pp.181-82.
(3) Ibid. p.184; Robert S. Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna in the Age of Franz Joseph, (Oxford University Press, 1989), pp.98-99.
(4) Ibid., p.184.
(5) Ibid., p.185.
(6) Ibid., p.188.
(7) Ibid., p.194.
(8) Ibid., p.193.
(9) Ibid., p.199.
(10) Wistrich, op. cit., p.111.
(11) Rosenblit., op. cit., p.200.
(12) Ibid.
(13) Wistrich, op. cit., pp.124-25.
(14) Rosenblit., op. cit., p.201.
(15) Ibid., pp.202-03.
(16) Wistrich, op. cit., p.125.
(17) Rosenblit, op. cit., p.205.
(18) Ibid., p.208; Wistrich, op. cit., pp.110-11.
(19) Wistrich, op. cit., pp.111, 120.
(20) Ibid., p.111.
(21) Shulchan Aruch, Yoreh Deah, chap.268; Talmudic Encyclopedia, vol.6, (Jerusalem: Talmudic Encyclopedia Institute, 1965), col.435.
(22) Rosenblit, op. cit., p.204.
(23) Ibid.
(24) Ibid., pp.206-07.
(25) The Jewish Year Book 2008, ed. Stephen W. Massil, (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2008), Marriage Regulations (General), p.327.
(26) A guide to getting married in France, (Internet: http://www.expatica.com/fr/housing/relocation/a-guide- to-getting-married-in-france-3600.html).
(27) Marrying a Swiss in Switzerland, (Internet: http://switzerland.isyours.com/e/immigration/marriage/marrying_a_swiss_in_switzerland.html)
(28) Desmond Stewart, Theodor Herzl – Artist and Politician, (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1974), p.374.
(29) Not to be confused with Dr. Moritz Benedikt, the journalist. Both lived in Vienna and died in 1820.
(30) Wistrich, op. cit., pp.122-23.
(31) Trauungs-Buch fur die Israelitische Cultusgemeinde in Wien [Marriage Register of Jewish Community, Vienna], entry 673, Moritz Benedict and Aloisia Grimm, 20 January 1868, (Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Wien).
(32) Trauungs Taxen, Einnahmen-Verzeichniss, Stadttempel, Wien, [ledger of Marriage Taxes, Stadt Temple, Vienna], entry for Benedikt marriage, January 1868, (Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People (CAHJP) A/W 1347.1).
(33) Dr. Moritz Benedikt, Aus meinem Leben – Erinnerungen und Erorterungen, (Wien: Verlagsbuchhandlung Carl Konegen, 1906), p.126.
(34) section I, group 8, row 60, grave 74.
(35) see Braham to Stewart, 16 April, 1973, pp.4-5, (University of Sydney, Archive of Australian Judaica, Mark Braham Collection, Australian Jewish Herald closure and Zionism, MB8, box no.4, folder no.1 – henceforth SU).
(36) Sources of genealogical details: e-mail from Mag. Wolf-Erich Eckstein of Israelitische Kultusgemeinde Wien, 31 March 2008; Jewish cemetery records in Vienna from the online cemetery database (friedhof.ikg-wien.at/search.asp?lang=en); Stewart, op. cit., chart at end of book; Avner Falk, Herzl King of the Jews - A Psychoanalytic Biography of Theodor Herzl, (Lanham, Maryland: University Press of America, 1993), pp.104-06.
(37) group 4, grave 580.
(38) group 4, grave 978.
(39) section 1, group 8, row 62, grave 4.
(40) section 1, group 8, row 62, grave 3.
(41) Stewart, op. cit., p.110; Ernst Pawel, The Labyrinth of Exile – A Life of Theodor Herzl, (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1989). p.122; Falk, op. cit., pp.105, 106, 122.
(42) Dr. Gerhard Falk, “Origins of Jewish Names”, jbuff.com, (Internet: www.jbuff.com/c120502.htm).
(43) Wort-und buchstabengetreuer auszug aus dem Sterbebuche des Matrikelamtes der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde Wien, extract of entry 913/1866 from death register of Julie Kollinsky issued on19 June 1990 by the Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde in Vienna, (Falk papers - Herzl file).
(44) section 1, group 5b, row 1, grave 5.
(45) Ibid.
(46) Franz: section 1, group 7, row 1, grave 7; Charlotte: section 1, group 5b, row 1, grave 5.
(47) section 1, group 5b, row 1, grave 5.
(48) Stewart, op. cit., p.110.
(49) Trauungs-Buch fur die Israelitische Cultusgemeinde in Wien [Marriage Register of Jewish Community, Vienna], entry 73, Wilhelm Naschauer and Julie Kollinsky, 12 February 1860, (Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Wien).
(50) Ibid., entry 403, Jakob Naschauer and Johanna Kollinsky, 1 February 1863, (Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Wien).
(51) Braham to Stewart, 16 April 1973, p.4, (SU).
(52) section 1, group 52a, row 14, grave 21.
(53) Leo: section 1, group 20, row 14, grave 46; Therese: section 1, group 19, row 1, grave 47.
(54) section 1, group 5b, row 1, grave 5.
(55) Ibid.
(56) Falk, op. cit., p.106.
(57) e.g. see the various marriage registrations, op. cit.
(58) The Great Leopoldstadt Temple, (Internet: www.esra.at/en/temple.asp).
(59) Stewart, op. cit., p.110 fn., p.353.
(60) Artibus et historiae – an art anthology, (Vienna: Irsa, 1988), pp.104, 105.
(61) Internet site of photographs of some tombstones in Jewish section of the Zentral cemetery in Vienna, (Internet: www.flickr.com/photos/cam37/sets/72157600549454768).
(62) Herzl’s marriage registration, op. cit.
(63) Photocopy of page in original marriage register which includes Herzl’s marriage registration (Falk papers – Herzl file).
(64) Trauungs-Buch fur die Israelitische Cultusgemeinde in Wien [Marriage Register of Jewish Community, Vienna] Entry 835/II/1890, Isidor Eisner and Helene Naschauer, 10 June 1890, (Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Wien). – henceforth: Helene’s marriage registration”.
(65) Herzl’s marriage registration, op. cit.
(66) Shulchan Aruch, Even Haezer, chap.42, para.5, Bet Shmuel para.16, Chelkat Mechokek para.12.
(67) Photocopy of page in original marriage register which includes Herzl’s marriage registration, op. cit.
(68) Trauungs-Zeugniss, Marriage certificate of Herzl issued on 21 November 1893, A III 538/4/31 (Central Zionist Archives (CZA) Jerusalem H1/4).
(69) It is quite possible that Amos Elon, who wrote in his biography of Herzl that this wedding was performed by Jellinek, took his information from this document. Amos Elon, Herzl, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975), p.88.
(70) Gerald Abrahams, “Members of the Tribe”, Jewish Chronicle (London), 22 January 1971, p.23.
(71) Stewart, op. cit., pp.110, 124-26. 373-75.
(72) Pawel, op. cit., pp.121-23.
(73) Falk, op. cit., pp.106, 119-124.
(74) Telephone conversation between author of this paper and Mark Braham , 16 January 2008.
(75) Stewart, op. cit., pp.124-25; Pawel, op. cit., p.123; Falk, op. cit, pp.122-23.
(76) Rabbi Dr. Moritz Gudemann, Aus meinem Leben, unpublished, (Original Manuscript in Leo Baeck Institute Archives , New York, ME 220 MM 30. Microfilm in Jewish National Library, Jerusalem MSS 74959).
(77) Josef Fraenkel, “The Chief Rabbi and the Visionary”, The Jews of Austria – Essays on their Life, History and Destruction, second edition, (London: Vallentine, Mitchell, 1970), p.111.
(78) Ibid., p.118.
(79) Stewart to Braham, 24 January 1973, p.2, (SU).
(80) Stewart, op. cit., p.125.
(81) Pawel, op. cit., p.123.
(82) Falk, op. cit., p.123.
(83) Gudemann, op. cit., handwritten original pp. 128-29, typewritten copy p.186.
(84) Shulchan Aruch, Yoreh Deah, chap.374, para.4.
(85) Information from answers to questions submitted by author of this paper to Wikipedia Reference Desk – Humanities, 13/14 February 2008 and 7/8 May 2008.
(86) Shulchan Aruch, Yoreh Deah, chap.357, para.1.
(87) Pawel, op. cit., p.123.
(88) Stewart, op. cit., p.124.
(89) Braham to Stewart, 18 January 1973, p.2, (SU).
(90) Stewart, op. cit., p.125.
(91) Helene marriage registration, op. cit.
(92) Wort-und buchstabengetreuer auszug aus dem Trauungsbuche des Matrikelamtes der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde Wien, extract of entry 835/II/1890 from marriage register of marriage of Isidor Eisner and Helene Naschauer, issued on19 June 1990 by the Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde in Vienna, (Falk papers - Herzl file) – henceforth: extract of Helene marriage registration.
(93) Falk, op. cit., p.123.
(94) Extract of Helene marriage registration, op. cit.
(95) Helene marriage registration, op. cit.
(96) Trauungs-Buch fur die Israelitische Cultusgemeinde in Wien [Marriage Register of Jewish Community, Vienna], entry 133, Leo Czopp and Therese Naschauer, 6 March 1887, (Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Wien).
(97) e-mail from Mag. Wolf-Erich Eckstein, Matriken/Records, Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Wien, 29 May 2008.
(98) Ibid., 26 May 2008.
(99) Trauungs Taxen, Einnahmen-Verzeichniss, Leopoldstadttempel, Wien, [ledger of Marriage Taxes, Leopoldstadt Temple, Vienna], entry for Herzl’s marriage June 1889, Helene’s marriage June 1890 and Therese’s marriage March 1887, (CAHJP A/W 1347.3).
(100) Information from Gitta Bar Tikva, of the Herzl division of the CZA, 4 June 2008.
(101) Pawel, op. cit., p.123.
(102) Stewart, op. cit., p.125.
(103) Ibid., p.126; Pawel, op. cit., p.121.
(104) Braham to Stewart, 14 February 1972, pp.2-3, (SU).
(105) Ibid.,, 17 February 1972, p.8, (SU).
(106) Alex Bein, Theodore Herzl – A Biography, trans. Maurice Samuel, (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1940), p.63.
(107) Josef Fraenkel, Theodor Herzl – A Biography, (London: Ararat Publishing Society, 1946).
(108) Israel Cohen, Theodor Herzl – Founder of Political Zionism, (New York: Thomas Yoseloff,1959), p.43.
(109) Stewart to Gerald Abrahams, undated (1971-2), pp.1-2, (SU).
(110) Stewart to Braham, 9 November 1972 (incorrectly dated 1967 – see postmark on the airmail letter), (SU).
(111) Pap to Falk, 24 June 1986, (Falk papers – Herzl file).
(112) Heidi Weiss to Falk, 5 April 1990, (Falk papers – Herzl file).
(113) Braunwarth to Falk, 20 June 1990, (Falk papers – Herzl file).
(114) Pawel, op. cit., p.123.
(115) Stewart, op. cit., p.123.
(116) cf. Stewart to Braham, 24 January 1973, p.1, (SU).
(117) Gerald Abrahams, op. cit.
(118) Liverpool Record Office, Papers relating to Gerald Abrahams, 296 ABR.
(119) Ibid., 296 ABR/5.
(120) e-mails from Roger Hull, researcher, Liverpool Records Office to author of this paper, 21 February 2008, 31 March 2008.
(121) Stewart to Abrahams, op. cit.
(122) Stewart to Braham, 9 November 1972, op. cit.
(123) Ibid., 24 January 1973, p.1, (SU).
(124) Braham to Stewart, 13 July 1971, p.1, (SU).
(125) Stewart to Alex Bein, 26 January 1972, (SU).
(126) Braham to Stewart, 29 May 1973, (SU).
(127) Grateful acknowledgments are due to (in alphabetical order): Gitta Bar Tikva of the Herzl division of the Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem; Mark Braham of New South Wales; the staff of the Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People Jerusalem; Dr. Marianne Dacy, Archivist at the Archive of Australian Judaica, University of Sydney Library; Mag. Wolf-Erich Eckstein of the Records (Matriken) department of the Israelitische Kultusgemeinde, Vienna; Dr. Avner Falk of Jerusalem; Roger Hull, researcher at the Liverpool Record Office; Jerry Klinger, President of the Jewish American Society for Historic Preservation; the staff of the Jewish National and University Library Jerusalem together with the staff of the Microfilm department; the many users of Wikipedia Reference Desk who answered my questions.

to view

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

to view "The Collected Writings of Rabbi Dr. Chaim Simons" please click here